Sometimes I think killing all the bigots is the best answer. Fuck him all to hell.
For what it's worth, Georgia also has the equivalent legislation floating around, I don't know what the current status is, but if it passes I suspect the conservative Republican Gov. Nathan Deal would sign it.
"It came true, you're looking at it." - The Comedian, Watchmen
Sometimes I think killing all the bigots is the best answer. Fuck him all to hell.
That will end well.
No, my ballot proposal will be to arrest Evil Dick Cheney and send him in leg irons and chains straight to The Hague to face trial for war crimes.
That, or a CIA black site someplace where some large, unfriendly men have a metal chair, a dirty towel and several gallons of water they'd like to introduce Evil Dick to.
Or maybe Gitmo because he doesn't deserve a trial. I'm not choosey. I'm sure Evil Dick will be very popular with the other detainees.
Mr. McLaughlin can keep him company.
The former boss of the mysterious California lawyer behind a state ballot proposal that would mandate executing gay people said on Tuesday that he hopes the public would show no mercy on his old employee.
“Go after him with a knife and fork,” Bruce C. Bridgman told TPM when reached by phone.
Now semi-retired, Birdgman heads a firm, The Law Office of Bruce C. Bridgman, that in 2002 briefly employed Matthew Gregory McLaughlin, who has been unreachable since news broke of his now-infamous "Sodomite Suppression Act."
"My own personal opinion here is that he has crossed the line, between free speech and advocating illegal conduct," Bridgman, a former deputy district attorney for both Los Angeles and Orange County, told TPM.
So what was McLaughlin like back during his brief time at Bridgman?
"Unremarkable," Bridgman said. "I wouldn’t recognize him if I were to see him."
He had nothing good to say about McLaughlin, who worked for the firm around 2002, where he was "in and out" for about a month of contract work, according to Bridgman.
He says McLaughlin would have worked on a few civil cases, picking up "overflow" work from other attorneys. He wasn't fired — rather, he simply finished up his work there and departed.
“I’m just embarrassed that this is a member of the bar in the first place,” Bridgman said.
Nighttimer's Link said:"My own personal opinion here is that he has crossed the line, between free speech and advocating illegal conduct," Bridgman, a former deputy district attorney for both Los Angeles and Orange County, told TPM.
Common sense is another issue that isn't addressed in your argument. There has to be room for good judgement. Political correctness can only go so far.
Those on the right often claim that abortion disparages the sanctity of human life.The fella stated his opinion without repercussion. That is a credit to our democracy that he is allowed to share his beliefs. However, they disparage the sanctity of human life. Ergo, do we entertain that or dismiss it?
Agreed. And if we, as a population, don't consider it a reasonable option, then this measure will never even reach a ballot where it could even be voted on. Assuming that for some insane reason it DID make the ballot, I can't imagine enough people would support it for it to pass. And if it DID pass (at this point, we're deep in dark fantasy territory,) it would be immediately struck down as blatantly unconstitutional. We, as a people, do not consider genocide a reasonable option. And if the people all lost their freaking heads - well, thank goodness we're a constitutional democracy rather than a straight democracy.Should we consider genocide as a reasonable option? No.
That goes against the principles of freedom that forged our country.
Is the onus on us to be crowd pleasers?
I don't think we should have a system where a ballot measure can't even be proposed if a gatekeeper doesn't like it.
We already allow the "gatekeepers" to impose laws that restrict how fast we can drive in a school zone or where we can relieve our kidneys. It's the old "your rights ends where my nose begins" argument.
Freedom does not mean anything goes and every half-baked, half-assed idea does not deserve to be legitimized merely by crying, "It's my right!" At some point common sense and simple decency trumps the individual assertion of whatever I want I should get.
That's an entirely different gate, and you are willfully conflating them.
Amadan said:Yes. That point is the point at which your half-baked, half-assed ideas become more than ideas and actually infringe on someone else's rights. Until then, you are allowed to pontificate, advocate, and even collect ballot signatures.
That's a subjective opinion and opinions can be accepted or rejected. I reject yours.
Not every half-baked, half-assed ideas should get past the idea state and this is one of them. It isn't necessary to wait until Matt McLaughlin gets his wish and Neil Patrick Harris is blindfolded and backed up against a wall before asking, "Maybe this is crazy and we shouldn't be indulging every crazy person because some purist says we should?"
No. It's not a subjective opinion.
The "gate" you referred to was specifically the imposition of laws, which requires going through the legislative and executive processes, and then surviving any Constitutional challenges. The "gate" being referred to here is collecting signatures for a proposed ballot measure.
Amadan said:In other words, you are arguing that collecting signatures to put a proposal on the ballot is the same thing as an enacted and enforceable law.
Amadan said:You are arguing that blue is red, that an egg is a KFC bucket, that an idea is a law.
Amadan said:No, it is not necessary to wait until Neil Patrick Harris is blindfolded and backed up against a wall before asking that, because the distance between here and there is extremely vast, with an enormous number of checkpoints along the way.
Thanks, but I don't need you to explain to me what I already know.
There are no "in other words." There is only your erroneous interpretation of my words for which I am not responsible for and see no reason to clarify for you.
Actually, your lame-ass analogy aside, what I'm arguing is Mr. McLaughlin is a homophobic dirtball who should be disbarred and his former boss agrees with me.
If you want to take on the task of defending a dirtball before the California Bar Association, have at it. I doubt anyone will fight you for that dubious "privilege."
Your enormous faith in the system is heartwarming. It really is.
We already allow the "gatekeepers" to impose laws that restrict how fast we can drive in a school zone or where we can relieve our kidneys. It's the old "your rights ends where my nose begins" argument.
Freedom does not mean anything goes and every half-baked, half-assed idea does not deserve to be legitimized merely by crying, "It's my right!" At some point common sense and simple decency trumps the individual assertion of whatever I want I should get.
Martin Luther King, Jr. grimly observed, "Never forget everything Hitler did in Germany was legal." King faced a similar legalized evil in segregation. Bad things are frequently hidden in the fine print of legalese including genocide against a despised group.
Mr. McLaughlin is within his rights to be a rabid, vicious, blood-crazed bigot who would like to put bullets in the heads of all the lesbians and gays. He's completely wrong to attempt to pervert the law to do it.
Certainly, if anything is blatantly against the constitution and basic human rights, it's genocide. I agree that it goes against the freedom that forged our country.
Article the seventh... No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
Article the eighth... In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.
Yeah, the Constitution might not originally have forbidden genocide and slavery, but I'm pretty sure a pro-slavery or genocide bill introduced today would be struck down based on the legal precedents set in the past two centuries.
With Scalia writing the dissenting opinion, of course.
I think it would depend on the way the law was written. For example, if a law were passed requiring prisoners to work x hours a week to defray the costs of their imprisonment, does anyone think it would be struck down on 13th Amendment grounds?
On Sept. 15, 1963, the bomb that killed four girls at the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Ala., showed America just how far we had to go to fulfill the promise of justice and equality for all, even a century after the 13th Amendment ended slavery. Half a century after the bombing, the struggle is not over, in part because language in that same amendment still undermines the equal humanity of more than 7 million Americans who have been convicted of a crime.
Ratified at the end of the Civil War, the amendment abolished slavery, with one critical exception: Slavery and involuntary servitude actually remain lawful "as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." In other words, according to this so-called punishment clause, if you get pulled over with the wrong controlled substance in your trunk, there's nothing in the 13th Amendment to ensure you can't be considered a slave of the state.
The punishment clause was taken directly from the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 and reflected the belief of the time that hard work was essential to prisoners' moral rehabilitation. But the language was also ambiguous enough to be grossly abused. Soon, the clause was being used to reinstitute slavery under another guise.
In 1866, just a year after the Civil War, a black man convicted of theft in Maryland was advertised for sale in the newspaper as punishment. "Vagrancy" — code for being young, black and unemployed — could yield similar results.
Decades later, famed abolitionist Frederick Douglass described how the widespread "convict lease system" exploited the punishment clause to subvert the noble intent of the 13th Amendment: "(States) claim to be too poor to maintain state convicts within prison walls. Hence the convicts are leased out to work for railway contractors, mining companies and those who farm large plantations. These companies assume charge of the convicts, work them as cheap labor and pay the states a handsome revenue for their labor. Nine-tenths of these convicts are negroes." Douglass went on to note that so many blacks were behind bars because law enforcement tended to target them. (Hello, Ferguson!)
Importantly, Supreme Court decisions of the 20th century ensured that no one today is sentenced to actual slavery as a form of criminal punishment, but shades of Douglass' critique still ring true. Black men are incarcerated at six times the rate of white men, thanks in part to uneven enforcement and sentencing in the "war on drugs." While drug use rates vary little among racial groups, people of color stand a much better chance of being searched, prosecuted and convicted than whites, and government studies have found that they serve longer sentences.
Racially imbalanced enforcement also means that minorities are more likely to suffer consequences that outlast their sentences: difficulty finding jobs and housing, lost access to government benefits and, in some places, disenfranchisement.
Next year, the United States will mark the 150th anniversary of the abolition of slavery when, at the cost of 600,000 lives, we concluded that all people, regardless of color, are made in the image of their creator and that slavery is an abomination. Not just because it compels labor, but because it denies the full dignity and value of the enslaved person. As long as it remains in the Constitution, the punishment clause is an offensive vestige of the legacy of dehumanizing and often racist practices in the American criminal justice system.